Tuesday, November 8, 2011

No *good* teacher would be relieved by a student's absence from class--right?

by Sarba Aguda - Tuesday, 8 November 2011, 01:24 AM

This week’s blog topic centers on how key players in the school community impact the school to prison pipeline. I wanted to reflect on this topic because I am interested in better understanding the extent to which I, as a teacher, am complicit in the complex systems that underlie the pipeline.

Having worked exclusively in urban public and charter schools, I have encountered many children who have been in and out of the prison system. I have taught some students before they became court-involved, and others after they were marked by the system—both physically and socio-emotionally.

One especially vivid memory I have from my first year teaching in southwest Baltimore is of a student, Andre, who all my students said had killed someone when he was 14. He was added to my roster in the third quarter of the school year, and when I called his name during attendance my class erupted in chattering. They knew him from the neighborhood, that he was a Blood, that he had stabbed someone, that he had done his time, that he was out on some sort of parole, that he was “crazy.”

Of course, I naively believed my kids’ reports of Andre even before he showed up in my class; and by the time he did arrive, 4 days after he was expected, after 4 days of nervous anticipation, I was actually fearful of him. I’m not exactly sure what it was—maybe it was because he told me off immediately when I approached him, or maybe it was because he was surly and belligerent to his peers too, or maybe it was because of what I saw when I looked at him—he had a red bandana wrapped around his fist, 2 teardrops tattooed on his cheekbone and a tattoo of fanged teeth on his neck. He looked exactly how I thought he would, in all my naïve and ungenerous wonderings of what a student like Andre would be like. All my kids seemed in awe of him too, and they never protested (to him) when he walked in late and knocked them in the backs of their heads.

He operated in isolation, partially self-imposed but possibly also because his peers feared him. I saw him as a threat to the fragile classroom community I had worked so hard to forge that year. He came to class only on Thursdays, when he met his parole officer after school. I found myself dreading Thursdays, and ultimately feeling relieved when he quit coming to school altogether.

Remembering Andre and realizing the guilt I feel now when thinking about my lack of compassion for him brings up many questions for me, questions I imagine that some teachers reflecting on their role in the school to prison pipeline may be considering:

  • What has my attitude and behavior towards court-involved students been?
  • What assumptions have I applied to them?
  • How often operated out of fear or disapproval?
  • Have I made adequate attempts to understand why my students have become court-involved?
  • To what extent have my responses to their behavior or academics influenced their life trajectories and court-involvement?
  • By adhering to my school’s discipline policies, am I performing a disservice to my children?
  • Should I feel guilty for taking advantage of my school’s exclusionary discipline tactics, like suspensions and classroom send-outs?
  • Having taught in and upheld a “no excuses” disciplinary model, am I morally culpable for our school’s student attrition rates? Particularly when the students who have left my school have become court-involved?
  • How are teachers expected to consistently negotiate the complexities of maintaining enough order to effectively facilitate learning while also allowing students all the freedom and flexibility they need to express themselves?

In seeking some insight to these questions, I came across this article in Philosophy of Education (1993). Entitled “Power Goes to School: Teachers, Students, and Discipline,” author John F. Covaleskie presents an analysis of power in schools through a Foucauldian lens. He focuses specifically on the dynamic between teachers and students, and offers an interesting logic to the problem of student resistance and poor curriculum:

A culture of accountability from administrators, school boards, state authorities, etc. à teachers’ recognition of being subjects of sovereign power à teachers dumbing down academic material and decreasing passion for subject matter in order to meet the demands of accountability systems (like high-stakes testing) à teachers’ presentation of boring and unengaging material, with a focus more on management and control than on curricular virtuosity à students’ perceptions of teachers as agents of sovereign power rather than subjects of a broader sovereign system à student resistance

I thought this excerpt from the article was a particularly compelling way of summing up the argument: “While Foucault uses schools as one of the paradigmatic disciplinary institutions, he ignores the extent to which they are also among the last strongholds of sovereign power. From one perspective teachers are themselves subject to the web of disciplinary power; it is nonetheless true that the teacher, as seen by the student, wields power in its sovereign form. A tenth-grade social studies teacher, no less than the Sheriff of Nottingham, is a visible and identifiable representative of power. As such, and from the students’ point of view, teachers exercise power intermittently, over specific parts of the students’ lives, and from positions of great visibility. As Willis describes in Learning to Labor,19 and as Foucault would predict, the school becomes a site of resistance and outright rebellion precisely because it is a site of sovereign power. As the teachers act to impose control overtly on the students, the students can see that they are being forced to act in ways they would rather not. It therefore seems logical for the students to resist and/or rebel, and they act logically.

The complexity of this interaction of forms of power is suggested by the fact that the very resistance of the youths Willis studies serves to fit them into the niches that the disciplinary society has prepared for the children of the working class. The paradox is that their very resistance to the sovereign power wielded by their teachers places them (and their teachers) ever more firmly in the grip of the disciplinary power that neither students nor teachers stop to perceive, as busy as they are fulfilling their roles within the paradigms of sovereignty. Resisting (and exercising) the sovereignty that belongs to the teacher blinds all even more surely to the disciplinary power that operates on all concerned. It is the sleight of hand by which disciplinary power diverts attention from its exercise.”

This argument suggests that neither teachers nor students are ultimately responsible for the trajectories their respective positions take on; rather, it is the broader system of sovereign power that should be held responsible for the culture of resistance and disengagement that exists in schools. Teachers are only behaving as they are required to by the authorities, and it is only natural for students to resist those who attempt to overtly control them.

While I find this point of view interesting, it does not assuage my personal feelings of guilt and wrongdoing when considering Andre. While certainly guilt may not be a productive emotion in prompting authentic change, it does prompt reflection for me, and it fuels a desire to better understand how I as an individual have played a role in Andre’s decision to stop coming to school.

No good teacher would be relieved at a student’s absence from class—right? Even if that student’s absence meant that the lesson would go smoothly and that everyone else would feel comfortable—right? I think these questions are difficult, and for me, they remain unanswered for now.

What are you all thinking about these questions? Do you feel complicit in the pipeline, having exercised power and control over your students? Do you see students' resistance as a natural part of the school power dynamic? Does this mean that schools, as they are currently structured, are fated to send some students to jail?

- Sarba Aguda

Thursday, November 3, 2011

Oct. 26 Post by Melanie Hibbert

Court-Involved Youth.
Melanie H.
In 2008, there were an estimated 2.11 million arrests made of persons under the age of 18 in the United States. Increasingly obvious in a generation of mass incarceration of youth, young people who become involved with the justice system often experience a plurality of consequences that result from their arrest and incarceration. These consequences include, but are not limited to, interrupted access to education, unemployment, economic hardship, and discrimination— which in turn, contribute to an increased likelihood of re-arrests and future entanglements with the justice system.

In addition to these personal consequences, there are increasing economic costs related to incarceration. According to a 2009 report by the PEW Center on the States, corrections costs have risen to over $50 billion annually and represent the second fastest growing state budget category behind Medicaid (2010). Describing the conditions of incarceration and confinement in a system “rife with institutional racism,” Bell urges juvenile justice professionals to oppose “legislative agendas that continue to demonizes young people of color” (2000, p.190). Rather than the continuation of get-tough-on-juvenile-crime tactics, Bell argues for interventions that support juvenile offenders with a focus on their strengths rather than their deficits. To this call for reform, alternative to detention programs (ATDP) for youth have gained increased attention and support in recent years.


Positioned as positive interventions, ATDs strive to decriminalize youth and focus on the rehabilitation rather than the punishment of youth. ATDs attempt to interrupt the cycle of incarceration by providing space for youth to reflect on their lives without relocating them away from their families and communities. For court involved youth, opportunities and programs that allow them to work towards understand self, coming to terms with past actions, and imagining possible futures outside of the justice system are critical.

Tuesday, November 1, 2011

Two weeks ago, we read about and discussed tracking and "ability" grouping and the ways in which such exclusionary practices limit and define students' experiences. We also discussed how such practices contribute to the prison-to-school pipeline. This week's readings, while broad, also address methods of sorting, partitioning, and ultimately excluding students, according to race, gender, class and perceived behavior disorders.

Each article addresses, directly or indirectly, the Thomas theorem, which states: "If men define situations as real, they are real in their consequences" (as cited Tyson, Castellino, & Darity, 2005, p. 291). I have selected a few provocative sentences from the articles that highlight how school structures "define situations as real" and thus make them "real in their consequences."

Black Students School Success: Coping With the 'Burden of 'Acting White'":
"Apparently, black children's general perception that academic pursuit is "acting white" is learned in the black community. The ideology of the community in regard to the cultural meaning of schooling is, therefore, implicated and needs to be reexamined" (Fordham & Ogbu 1986, p. 280).

Despite the controversy that has surrounded this article for the last twenty-five years, many researchers, authors and much of the general public still subscribe to the "acting white" argument. For instance, consider the recent book by Stuart Buck titled "Acting White: The Ironic Effects of Desegregation"
Michael Eric Dyson on Stuart Buck's "Acting White: The Ironic Effects of Desegregation" (skip ahead to min 31:35)


Do you think that the majority of teachers believe Fordham & Ogbu's claims that black students are resistant to "acting white", that they associate "acting white" with being academic, and that parents are to blame?



Considering the following quote, how might teachers' misconceptions about African American resistance to education and "acting white" shape black students' educational structures?:

"They were becoming what teachers assumed they already where-racial subjects. Race is not merely a fixed characteristic of children that they bring to school and then take away intact but something they learn about through school lessons and through interactions with peers and teachers. Moreover, schools do not merely produce children as racial subjects-they produce racial disparities in life outcomes. Children were not only learning racial lessons but were receiving different educational opportunities. Racial inequities then are, at least in part, products of racialized institutional and interactional practices withing the education system...Race is never a finished product; it functions as a dynamic, artificial, and powerful category that applies to us-and that we react to -in new and old ways on a daily basis" (Lewis, 2003, p. 327).


What roles do we have as educators to challenge these "common sense" assumptions? How might we problemetize notions of gender, race and (dis)ability? The following quote from the Danforth article offers some insight:


"First, educators and other helping professionals have often focused heavily on developing and using authoritative knowledge. This effort has effectively amounted to building a knowledge base about students and families that we then say supercedes the knowledge of students and families about themselves. Our reasons for listening carefully to students and families have been unfortunately diminished by our own scientific knowledge. Second, educators and helping professions have often viewed social problems in a depoliticized way. Rather than becoming aware of complex dimensions of social inequality that surround so many troubling students, we have often defined the problem as an individual disorder needing treatment. This approach has allowed us to ignore the unequal and unjust social and political" (Danforth, p.32)

______________________________________________
Professor Mulcahy was surprised last week by our willingness to blame "the system." Considering our work so far this semester, how might we, as educators, further challenge common beliefs about students' willingness to learn and their (in)abilities?

Perhaps one way is to bring this discussion out of our classroom and engage in more public debate.

Newspapers such as the New York Times often post forums on school-related topics. Also, many of their regular articles allow for readers' comments.

The following NY Times articles and discussion boards begin to touch some of the issues we're exploring this week. Many of the responses from NYT readers reflect broad misconceptions about gender, race, ability and schooling. If you're interested and have the time, engage in the online discussion.


Single-Sex Schools: Separate but Equal?


How well do teachers handle disabilities in the classroom?

The 'Two or More Races' Dilemma

Closing the Achievement Gap Without Widening a Racial One


Message From a Charter School: Thrive or Transfer

An interesting NPR On The Media discussion on the DSM: The Art of Diagnosis

Suspended Opportunities: The Effect of Zero Tolerance Discipline in New York City Public Schools

A little last minute, but worth checking out if you can make it! See below for details!

The CUNY Suspension Representation Project chapter and Dignity in Schools Campaign-NY are hosting a panel discussion entitled Suspended Opportunities: The Effect of Zero Tolerance Discipline in New York City Public Schools on Tuesday, November 1, 6-8pm at CUNY School of Law, 65-21 Main Street in Flushing (directions below).

The goals of the panel are: to generate a dialogue about the effect of school suspensions; to discuss disciplinary alternatives; and to educate the community about suspensions, including collateral issues such as racial (in)justice.

Confirmed panelists include:

* Johanna Miller, Assistant Advocacy Director at the New York Civil Liberties Union

* Sarah Arvey, Middle School Teacher in Queens and member of Teachers Unite and DSCNY

*Chima Agwu, High School Student in Bronx and member of Sistas and Brothas United and DSCNY

The panel will be moderated by Professor Susan Markus, a CUNY faculty member who also serves as an Impartial Hearing Officer on cases brought under the Disability Education Act.

I hope you will consider joining us on November 1. The event is free and open to the public and dinner will be served. Please feel free to pass along this invitation to any colleagues of yours who might be interested in this event.

Please RSVP TODAY. Please email Shoshi at shoshi@nesri.org so we know how much food to order.



ADDRESS AND DIRECTIONS TO CUNY SCHOOL OF LAW:

CUNY School of Law
65-21 Main Street
Flushing, NY 11367

Via Flushing: Take the #7 subway train, or the Long Island Railroad, to Main Street/Flushing. Then take the Q20/A or Q20/B (Jamaica) bus to the Law School, on your left.

Via Forest Hills: Take the E, F, M or R subway train to Continental Avenue (Forest Hills). Then take the Q64 bus to Main Street & Jewel Avenue. Take Q20 bus northbound or walk north 8 blocks to the Law School.

Via Jamaica: Take the E subway train to Parsons Boulevard or the Long Island Rail Road to Jamaica Station, then take the Q20/A or Q20/B bus, at Jamaica Avenue & Sutphin Boulevard, to the Law School.

Via Kew Gardens: Take the E or F subway train to Union Turnpike (Kew Gardens). Then take the Q46 bus to Main Street and Union Turnpike, transfer to the Q20 northbound to the Law School's front door.

Wednesday, October 26, 2011

Court-Involved Youth

(melanie hibbert)

In 2008, there were an estimated 2.11 million arrests made of persons under the age of 18 in the United States. Increasingly obvious in a generation of mass incarceration of youth, young people who become involved with the justice system often experience a plurality of consequences that result from their arrest and incarceration. These consequences include, but are not limited to, interrupted access to education, unemployment, economic hardship, and discrimination— which in turn, contribute to an increased likelihood of re-arrests and future entanglements with the justice system.

In addition to these personal consequences, there are increasing economic costs related to incarceration. According to a 2009 report by the PEW Center on the States, corrections costs have risen to over $50 billion annually and represent the second fastest growing state budget category behind Medicaid (2010). Describing the conditions of incarceration and confinement in a system “rife with institutional racism,” Bell urges juvenile justice professionals to oppose “legislative agendas that continue to demonizes young people of color” (2000, p.190). Rather than the continuation of get-tough-on-juvenile-crime tactics, Bell argues for interventions that support juvenile offenders with a focus on their strengths rather than their deficits. To this call for reform, alternative to detention programs (ATDP) for youth have gained increased attention and support in recent years.

Positioned as positive interventions, ATDs strive to decriminalize youth and focus on the rehabilitation rather than the punishment of youth. ATDs attempt to interrupt the cycle of incarceration by providing space for youth to reflect on their lives without relocating them away from their families and communities. For court involved youth, opportunities and programs that allow them to work towards understand self, coming to terms with past actions, and imagining possible futures outside of the justice system are critical.

I have been involved with an ATD program for the past year, an after-school program located in East Harlem with youth ages 12-16. While the success of this program is hard to gauge, I am confident that this program has much more positive effects than a juvenile detention center.

Here are two videos we created this past spring (password: Choices), one called "The Hugs Show" and the other based on Ground Zero. I hope this offers a dimension of ATD programs and what they do:

Monday, October 24, 2011

Eva Moskowitz: Questions and Answers About the Role of School Safety

For this assignment, I interviewed former City Councilwoman and head of Success Charter Network Eva Moskowitz regarding School Safety officers in NYC Public Schools. The interview is below:

1. Were you involved in the original decision to allow school safety officers to have a role in schools?

I was not an elected an official in 1998, but I supported in my campaign a merging of School Safety and the DOE. It seemed that the police department needed to be involved because school violence in 1998 was at an all time high. There were pretty low paid security agents that were not well trained. While the police department has its share of problems, there is a lack of professionalism with School Safety officers and having NYPD training and accountability would increase school safety accountability.

2. What do you think the role of school safety officers should be?

My vision is that the School Security agent should be part of school safety. However, the Principal needs to have a good relationship with school safety. In some schools security agents are barking at kids. Security agents and school community vision should be aligned. They should not be paid to show up. We have to have a shared way of speaking to kids. It is hard to have that because Safety Officers come and go and transfer in a willy-nilly way. There is not good training. We need fewer of them overall and better training. They also need to learn to talk to kids; how you would speak to someone that you are about to arrest is different than how you should talk to kids. Their role should be de-escalating and be utterly respectful of children and adolescents. It is not currently very effective. Conversely, school leadership relies on safety agent in schooling. This is an utter failure of leadership – school safety can’t create order in classroom. They have not been trained to do so.

3. Current research is showing that the presence of school safety is having a variety of negative effects on students, including the rise of criminalizing behavior that was once considered part of school administrator authority. What are the alternatives to criminalization in schools?

There are absolutely alternatives. I would argue that we have to start with a culture of order and responsibility. The school shouldn’t be as disorderly as they are and school safety isn’t equipped to address these problems. They should be a tiny part of the process but it is truly the school principal and leaders and teachers that set a tone of safety and respect. If you don’t have that you can’t achieve anything.

4. Your network of schools primarily serves high-poverty areas. These schools are similar in demographic to student populations that are targeted for school safety increases. What alternatives do you see for schools that over-rely on police presence in schools?

The alternatives require training principals and teachers. It is a difficult skill to create a sense of order. Some of our schools have sense of calm and order at a high level and it is painstakingly created. Once you have it, it has to be cultivated, and it is so much easier to teach. The lives of teachers are easier. We have to train people and it takes a lot of work. In the DOE there isn’t enough time to train teachers – there won’t be success if you don’t set people up to be successful.